The question is: Why couldn't Bond get his partisans to the polls? After all, getting out the vote is supposed to be the strength of the city's black political establishment, and the establishment was clearly in Bond's corner.
In the days that followed last Tuesday's election, nearly every politico had his own theory. There's the conventional wisdom: Whites turn out in greater numbers for primaries than do blacks, and most of Woolard's support is white. And then there's the fact that there were run-offs in two majority white districts, which would tend to encourage more white voters to go to the polls.
But all of that tends to ignore Bond's role.
Days before the vote, David Franklin, a Bond supporter, said his candidate had "found religion," meaning he had discovered a drive, a vigor for campaigning, but it was a late discovery for someone who had run a blase campaign up until a few weeks before the primary.
The fact is, Bond couldn't separate himself from Mayor Bill Campbell. He had trouble creating an identity of his own, says Clark Atlanta University political science professor William Boone.
"A name will go a little ways, but it's not enough," Boone says, referring to Bond's famous family.
And it was clear that Campbell's crew was involved in Bond's election. Franklin says that on the night of the election, they were all there at Bond's headquarters -- Campbell, Glenda and David Minkin, Michael Langford and Herb McCall.
"The Bill Campbell power left last night," Franklin asserted the day after Woolard's 10-point win. "It was a repudiation of the Bill Campbell regime."
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